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DOWNLOAD FILE. The Philosophy of Knowledge: A History presents the history of one of Western philosophy's greatest challenges: und.

Historians have long been interested in knowledge—its nature and origin, and the circumstances under which it was create. In The Problem of Knowledge , Ayer defended a context-based account of knowledge that had as its essential ingredi.

First published in , this book examines the process by which the Codex--the traditional form of the western book--re.

In The Birth of Tragedy Nietzsche expounds on the origins of Greek tragedy and its relevance to the German culture of it.

Stories and Histories of Archives An Introduction A scandalous crime was uncovered in Paris on May 25, a break-in in one of the archives of the Chambre des Comptes.

That summer morning, two employees of this eminent court of the king of France had needed some documents. When they entered the archive in the attic of the court, chaos reigned.

The signs of a forced break-in were unmistakable. Parchment and pieces of books were scattered on the floor; dirt was everywhere.

The intruders had even left their tools behind; they apparently intended to return. The Chambre des Comptes immediately launched an investigation.

From the evidence of destruction, a carpenter reconstructed the path the thieves must have taken. All indications suggested that they had come in from outside, from the neighboring building, entering the attic through the roof with a saw and crowbar.

The following weeks would lead to interrogations, cross-examinations, and the taking of further evidence. As soon as May 29, just four days after the crime was discovered, a young man named Pierre Marconnes was questioned.

It quickly became clear that he was the perpetrator. Twelve days later he confessed his guilt on record. An accomplice had assisted him, a young man about fifteen years old, Antoine Manoux, who had mainly helped him transport the heavy parchment volumes.

By their own admission, the two had removed about fifty to sixty bulky codices in several trips. The Chambre des Comptes put the loss at exactly sixty-eight volumes.

On that occasion, Marconnes had learned that Alexandre ran an extensive side-business as a dealer in used parchment.

When Marconnes brought him a few leaves soon afterward, Alexander actually bought them. Whenever Marconnes subsequently visited the bar, the limonadier repeatedly assured him that he would also purchase future deliveries.

No questions were asked. Marconnes was probably right to understand this as an unspoken request for more used parchment. The archive of the Chambre des Comptes was a rich source of it.

Parchment was an expensive raw material in the premodern world. Made from animal skins, it was a valuable and costly resource that was not wasted.

Previously written material was reprocessed, the ink removed, and reused. Hence the used-parchment trade was a lucrative business.

The hearings brought to light an extensive network of fences, clandestine shippers, and respectable purchasers with whom Alexandre had long collaborated.

After the limonadier received the stolen goods, he sold them to interested buyers through female acquaintances by the name of Sesteau, Brasseur, Lagamet, and Martine Boucher.

His customers were established book-dealers and printers, such as Denis Thierry and Giles Roland, the agent of the Flemish publishers in Paris.

Once in the hands of such book-dealers, the stolen goods from the archive of the Chambre des Comptes emerged from the demimonde. And here was a risk that Alexandre had underestimated.

Roland and Thierry were people with excellent social connections. Thierry promptly informed de la Reynie of the sale of large amounts of parchment by Alexandre.

This information enabled the police quickly to prevent the sale of the stolen parchment and to confiscate the rest.

The Chambre des Comptes recovered a large number of its documents, albeit in mutilated form. In September , the guilty parties were punished.

Manoux and several of the women received only fines; Marconnes was banished from the city for five years. Alexandre suffered the same punishment, but additionally had to submit to a beating.

All parties moreover had to pay for the restoration of the damaged codices. The Palais de Justice, originally a royal palace, stood on its western tip.

In the seventeenth century, although no longer the home of the rulers of France, the Palais housed many important institutions of the French monarchy.

The archive Marconnes had broken into lay at the heart of the French monarchy, at the center of the commonwealth and its identity.

Not even here were archives safe and protected. Yet the vulnerability of the archive of the Chambre is hardly surprising.

Although the Palais de Justice possessed immense symbolic and administrative significance for the kingdom, it was also one of the liveliest places in the capital.

The many courts and arcades of the centuries-old complex had traditionally served as one of the economic centers of Paris. Luxury goods were sold there alongside objects for everyday use.

His shop stood in the Cour Neuf, only a few meters removed from the archive that was broken into on his behalf fig. Marconnes and his accomplice Manoux also spent most of their time in the Palais and indeed were even closer to the scene of the crime.

Both of them earned a living as pages and servants in the household of the president of Parlement. His official residence stood wall to wall next to the Chambre des Comptes, and Marconnes and Manoux will have frequently been there, if they did not in fact live there.

The thieves thus knew the premises extremely well, and so it was no coincidence that they were able to scout out a path inside through the roof.

The violated archive and the perpetrators thus occupied one and the same place. Even the most venerable archives of the most powerful authorities in the kingdom were at best only thinly separated from the pulsing social life of their immediate surroundings.

The interrogation records paint a very vivid picture of the series of halls and arcades through which Manoux hauled the volumes more or less unseen and as secretly as possible to Alexandre.

What happened to archives was therefore determined to a considerable degree by their environment. The Palais de Justice, ca. This book attempts to reconstruct how archives in the premodern era became an integral part of the social, political, and intellectual life of Europe.

This attempt is guided by the insight that archives by no means obeyed a logic that categorically shut them off from the outside world.

Archives were not limited to predetermined functions, tasks, and duties, and scholars today accordingly should not hastily impose such limitations on them.

Archives were, on the contrary, subject to different, contradictory interests; they were objects of social debate and arenas for rival attempts to define their functions.

They were multivalent elements of a multifaceted culture and society. But we should not declare archives places of knowledge generically without further ado.

The path from archives to knowledge was and remains neither necessary and inevitable nor simple and selfevident. On the one hand, as we saw in the case of Alexandre, there were many archival practices that had little or nothing to do with the content of archived documents, but rather responded to other qualities and potentialities.

A history of archives must recognize that archives were important to people not only because of the knowledge they contained. Accordingly, it will be a particular goal of this book to flesh out alternative approaches to archives.

The success of this utilization, however, is less a self-evident fact than an accomplishment that calls for explanation.

The function of archives as reservoirs of knowledge thus will not serve as the precondition or starting point of this history of archives, but rather as a product of specific archival practices that calls for analysis.

An intellectual history of archives, therefore, should also not be limited to an investigation of catalogues and record-keeping practices.

Inventories may tell us what things and documents a person or institution possessed. Inventories give us no information about the actual significance of property and archival material.

They tell us nothing about the specific role played by things and documents in everyday life. A history of archived knowledge thus must go beyond investigating inventories and orders of knowledge and address the question of whether and, if so, how that collected knowledge could be and was utilized in everyday life.

First and foremost, we must emphasize the physicality of archives. Knowledge is always in the making, even and especially when it comes from an archive.

We must highlight the physicality and materiality of these activities. The functioning of archives as repositories and sources of knowledge is by no means a straightforward and self-evident aspect of their existence.

A modern intellectual history of the Early Modern Period accordingly must pay close attention to archives; however, it also must recognize that archives were always situated locally and, as elements of the infrastructure of knowledge, were and are heavily dependent on their context.

Stories and Histories of Archives: In Praise of Praxis In light of the reflections outlined above, this book is intended both to problematize the conception of archives as places of knowledge and to present the actual everyday use of archives in order to assess their importance to people.

In order to reach this goal, the following chapters are dedicated to investigating the specific ways in which archives were used.

What archives can and cannot do depends on how they are used. Archives are not storage facilities or receptacles that simply accumulate documents; they are the sum of activities and actions.

Such practices are not always conscious; rather, they precede the various situations in which an individual must make decisions.

People who act in a certain situation normally do not have to think about how they should or will behave. It thus indicates behavioral patterns related to archives that seem subjectively plausible and satisfy the social expectations of at least certain groups.

Besides such criminal practices, we can differentiate scholarly and political archival practices, each of them with different, often contradictory characteristics.

Insofar as archives constantly entered new geographic, social, and functional contexts, the practices with which people reacted to these institutions also multiplied.

All actors who acted in, with, and by means of archives pursued their own particular goals. The history of archives is therefore always also a reconstruction of conflicts over the meaning and importance of archives.

Hence it is extremely important to examine the various hopes that were projected onto archives. Libraries have received considerable attention not least in the context of social-historical work on book ownership, literacy, and the social dissemination of knowledge.

That is not to say that there is a basic lack of scholarly work on the history of archives. On the contrary, almost every archive that exists today has been written about.

A positivistic approach, however, generally dominates. Institutional evolution, important personages, and the growth of holdings are the preferred topics.

Some archives have even received extensive monographic treatments in this positivistic spirit. Besides the exceptions that I will mention below, such studies frequently approach the history of archives with the understanding of archives that was developed by scholars of the nineteenth century, which continues to influence textbooks today.

This traditional approach to the history of archives, which is marked by systematizing, positivistic methodology, has had profound consequences on ongoing research in the field.

When attempts have been made to contextualize the history of archives, the study of the organized preservation of written records usually remains beholden to historical administrative perspectives.

These authors connected the rationale behind the development of archives in Savoy, Mantua, and Spain to the dynamic history of the emergence of the state and officialdom, plausibly historicizing the individual steps and stages of the history of archives.

According to this influential view, archives continue to be conceived today almost exclusively in connection to organized state institutions.

The place of archives in the history of bureaucracy and state formation was more complicated than is often assumed, and the history of archives is not exhausted by this approach.

Accordingly, this book takes the established administrative and governmental interpretation of archives seriously, but integrates this familiar narrative into a broader cultural-historical approach.

Only in this way can the history of archives emerge from isolation and be connected to more general lines of contemporary historiographical inquiry.

Archives, it is said, create documents and the past. They exercise a profound influence not only on their contents, but also on the form and function of the relationship between Europe and its past.

Archives are now frequently exposed as important props for hegemonic historical images. They often emerge in recent research as discursive power structures or even instruments of oppression.

Today, the theory of archives in cultural studies highlights the close connection between archives and innovation, between the conservation of the past and the shaping of the future.

Actual archives scarcely enter the picture as historical objects. Why the Early Modern Period? Epochs of Archival History One could argue with good reason that the history of archives actually has no beginning, because every culture shows at least some interest in preserving written documents.

Indeed, even the earliest cultures from which we possess written documents already had archives. Accounts from ancient literature and modern archeological finds, for example, inform us that well-organized depots were already a fixture of the cultures of Asia Minor and also played an important part in the Greek and Roman states of the Mediterranean.

Eminent archivists of the twentieth century, such as Eugenio Casanova, Adolf Brennecke, Leopoldo Sandri, Elio Lodolini, and RobertHenri Bautier, developed models for the history of European archives.

Prior to that point, there had been continuity from Antiquity insofar as archives were almost always conceived exclusively for administrative and legal purposes.

The period afterward, especially since the nineteenth century, was in contrast marked by scholarly interest in archives. The notion that a clear functional distinction can be drawn between political, administrative, and legal archive use and historiographical use and then serve as the basis of a historical periodization will frequently appear questionable over the course of this book.

For example, he completely ignores the question of how we should interpret and assess increased private efforts and the continuation of ecclesiastical efforts to keep records.

In contrast, another argument that a new phase in the history of European archives begins in the late sixteenth century is far more convincing: the publication, for the first time, of printed systematic treatises on archives, their challenges, prerequisites, and chances of success marks a new era.

The history of archival science, that is, the study of the historical rise of explicit reflections on archives and their function, can identify a significant change relatively precisely with the appearance of numerous Latin, Italian, French, and German treatises after Although administrators and users of archives had begun to reflect on increasingly conventional practices long before the first printed treatises appeared, to the best of our knowledge there are no sophisticated, independent treatments of archives prior to the printed works of the Early Modern Period.

Since then, however, as we shall see in subsequent chapters, archives figured prominently both as objects of archival theory and in the context of other scholarly fields.

The need to think and write about archives and archival practices systematically seems to be a new feature of the Early Modern Period. The interest in intensified and increasingly explicit self-reflection may be related not least to the fact that archives first became widespread in the Early Modern Period.

The fact alone that archives became ubiquitous accounts for the significance of the period since the sixteenth century for archival history.

Archives and files became an indispensable part of the daily lives of many people. European archival culture emerged from courts, monasteries, and municipal administration and soon penetrated to the remotest corners of life and all social backgrounds.

Even domestic servants like Marconnes and Manoux, who were not members of the educated or wealthy social groups, knew about archives.

Archives became an inescapable, everyday reality. This quantitative pervasiveness of archives inevitably had qualitative consequences.

The idea that written documents could and should be protected became a generally shared element of western culture. About This Book The following chapters attempt to realize the potential of a praxis-oriented history of archives.

This book seeks to illustrate the growing, always diverse, and sometimes even ambivalent and contradictory significance of archives for European culture in the Early Modern Period.

That is not to say that archives were something exclusively European: on the contrary, Asian states such as China or Korea developed equally sophisticated practices for preserving documents contemporaneously or even prior to the proliferation of archives in Europe.

This book is premised on the conviction that European archival culture transcended national and regional differences. This will not, however, be demonstrated in the form of an encyclopedic survey.

The goal is rather to exemplify structural aspects of European archival culture, with an emphasis on France and Germany. Famous, major archives will be covered, but the narrative will also deliberately take into account small and midsized archives.

The presentation and analysis of individual episodes will take up considerable space, reflecting the conviction explained above that a history of archives must pay heed particularly to the way in which individual archives were adapted to specific tasks and contexts.

The history of archives will thus be told especially through the unique stories of individual archives and their particular fates.

Chapter 2 opens with a brief prologue intended as a historical introduction. In broad strokes, it depicts the growth of pragmatic literacy in Europe since the High Middle Ages, since archives would never have obtained their new significance without a marked increase in the production of documents.

People made archives what they were; but the reverse is also true: archives shaped the people who came into contact with them. The material and physical dimensions of the history of archives generally play a major part in this book, since, from a praxeological perspective, social significance is constituted precisely by means of physical and spatial interaction.

The following two chapters cover the particularly important, classical areas of the use of archives in a new way. These two chapters not only illustrate the achievements of archives as political and historical places of knowledge, but also focus on the difficulties, imperfections, and limitations of this use of archives.

Obtaining knowledge from archives was a complicated, challenging task. This book may therefore be read as an effort to integrate the limitations and dysfunctionalities of archives much more explicitly into the history of archives.

In sum, the intention behind this study is to show the variety and contradictoriness of the functions and meanings that archives held for people in the Early Modern Period.

In terms of their functions and consequences, archives were highly ambivalent institutions, and their achievements and weaknesses always depended on specific situational contexts and usages.

Archives were open institutions that one could approach with a variety of goals; their existence had many unintended, collateral consequences. The history of European archives presented here will thus also be a history of messy details, disappointed hopes, and repurposing, of alternative methods of use and obstacles.

The fascination of this element of cultural infrastructure derives precisely from its irrepressible ambivalence. Archives, at least in premodern Europe, are virtually exclusively and quite naturally connected to acts of writing.

The role and significance of archives, therefore, cannot be understood without a glance at the history of written documents in Europe.

There has always been a complex and ambiguous relationship between both actions. Although the blossoming of archives presumes a turn toward written texts, the relationship does not possess the same causal inevitability in reverse.

Since the Late Middle Ages, European attitudes toward writing also meant that one deliberately did not archive documents in several areas.

Europe devised many forms of documents that were explicitly considered unfit to be archived, but without which many aspects of western culture would be unintelligible: scrap paper, shopping lists, drafts, memos.

These landed in archives. Europe witnessed a quantitative and qualitative, geographic, and functional expansion of written culture on a vast scale.

This trend also affected areas that are not directly part of the history of archival culture, for instance, the growing production of liturgical manuscripts and encyclopedic literature, of Bible concordances, poetry, philosophy, and university literature.

Historians today, however, have definitively identified the transition from the High to the Late Middle Ages ca.

While normally only isolated examples survive from the period prior to the proliferation of written texts sketched here, the mass of papal documents in the Late Middle Ages, for example, is impossible to take in at a glance.

While Innocent III reg. A permanent record of legal acts, scribes declared ever more frequently in texts from the latter half of the twelfth century, was possible only in writing.

It was based on specific, highly complex material and socio-historical preconditions. Yet these material and socio-historical changes were not only preconditions, but also consequences of the proliferation of written texts.

The adoption of paper and the founding of universities made the use of writing more plausible and self-evident just as much as they presupposed it.

They responded to a need that had cultural roots. Important structural changes to European culture affected the legal system.

Particularly in northern Italy, changing political and economic realities went hand in hand with a search for new legal forms. In particular, jurists from the eleventh century on increasingly revived the law of the ancient Roman Empire.

Written culture became ever more important under the influence of this highly formalized law, particularly with respect to trial procedure. The influence of the Church in these developments was key.

Beginning in twelfthcentury Italy, starting in Genoa, they produced vast series of notarial documents that public institutions and private persons used to regulate their legal affairs.

Two key changes are connected to them: first, they and no longer exclusively witnesses under oath also now certified legal acts; second, it became ever more uncommon to prepare complex documents to record legal transactions.

That made it cost-effective to conclude legal contracts in new areas of life. Economic activities in particular were affected. Credit transactions were an important area that now, with a quicker and cheaper form of record-keeping, acquired a feasible means of documentation.

The rapid growth of European cities since the High Middle Ages created an economic and social dynamic behind the adoption of written culture in many places, especially in Italy.

Merchants like Datini wanted or had to stay in regular contact with many people both near and far, and as early as the fourteenth century they habitually made use of a writing-based medium, the letter, to an unprecedented degree.

Correspondence also increased on the political level from the fifteenth century on. Most of this new political correspondence consisted of diplomatic letters.

Sovereigns suddenly found themselves confronted with the need to remain in constant contact with their ambassadors to foreign courts.

It was moreover necessary to maintain communications with these foreign courts and power centers themselves. It constitutes an essential form of written documentation that would figure prominently in future archives, yet had previously been largely unknown.

Information about oneself and others became a virtual obsession on every level of society. Using probably the most famous medieval inventarization of feudal rights and duties, the Anglo-Norman Domesday Book from , Michael Clanchy has shown what an extensive stream of preparatory documents must have accompanied such undertakings.

Inventories and reports helped rulers both supervise their servants and gain a better knowledge of the means available to them.

The kings of Europe relied on written sources of information especially in the economic sphere. Recent scholars have declared the written accounting practices of merchants the key to European bureaucratic and information history.

At the royal court of England, the Exchequer was established as a supervisory body that, beginning in , kept its own records of the income of royal estates Pipe Rolls.

Other Norman rulers, such as the Counts of Flanders, did likewise. Under Philip Augustus, an equivalent institution was established in France in , later called the Chambre des Comptes.

Under the reign of Urban IV, special series of letters regarding financial matters begin to appear, but not until the first third of the fourteenth century, under Boniface VIII and John XXII, does papal book-keeping really begin.

His grandson, Saint Louis, continued this tradition with a large-scale survey in Rulers collected information not merely as an end in itself but also as a means of controlling their subjects.

That is another reason why it became customary to document social and political affairs and events in writing as completely as possible. Now, not only moments of particular legal or sacred significance, but also the everyday course of business itself should or had to be taken down in writing.

For example, in , the king of France ordered the Chambre des Comptes to keep a journal for every session.

Notaries were also obliged to document their work in several stages. In the political sphere, alongside written royal decrees, preparatory and documentary texts that were not legally binding documents soon became common.

In terms of idealized types, the legal document, which exclusively contained the final legal act, was supplemented by the file, which recorded the preliminary and intermediate steps toward the document.

The turn toward written texts reflected above all a changed conception of government. If we follow the impressive reconstruction of Thomas N.

Observations on the early use of documents in Northern Italy complement these findings. These texts present idealized social orders. On the one hand, these ideals must be seen as attempts by the civic community to control and limit the exercise of power by the authorities.

On the other, however, scholars today also consider these statutes to be methods of social control. Government action could be legitimated in a new way with the claim that it served to enforce the statutes recognized by the community.

In Italy, for example, the growing attractiveness of exercising authority through writing has been connected to the creation of greater territories ruled by Northern Italian cities.

As cities attempted to bring surrounding regions under their control, not only did they have to address new legal questions, but situations also arose in which the center a city sought to control what was sometimes an extensive periphery the surrounding countryside.

Both promoted the use of writing for legal purposes and communicative integration. In order to express this claim, they had a monumental cartulary compiled at the end of the twelfth century, the Liber feudorum maior.

Monastic orders such as the Cluniacs and especially the Cistercians likewise found written documents an attractive means of organizing their innovative forms of society and rule.

For the first time in the history of Christianity, these religious orders conceived of pan-European, centrally coordinated and controlled institutions.

The pope in turn responded to this internal ecclesiastical dissension with bulls and other letters. The use of written documents took on a lively dynamic of its own: one document elicited another, new document in response.

The use of written documents across Europe had a series of very specific consequences on the organization of society and the resolution of conflicts.

Written documents are an extremely adaptable and flexible technology both in social and functional terms, but in many respects they also set in motion a series of significant functional consequences that are impossible to ignore.

We can identify three aspects. First, new professional groups were needed to perform the desired work of writing. Scribes, secretaries, and copyists filled writing tables and scriptoria.

In the fourteenth century, the Humanist movement lent this this new, text-oriented professional elite even more rhetorical polish.

Second, new work routines were necessary to structure the production of outgoing and the processing of incoming documents. The frontispiece of the Liber feudorum maior fig.

The miniature depicts the chaos of a mountain of documents, from which an expert literate associate of the ruler retrieves a relevant parchment and presents it to the king; it is then registered by a scribe seated on the right-hand edge of the picture in a new text, possibly the Liber feudorum maior itself, in order to keep track of everything.

The circulation of documents here is easy to recognize. Increasing bureaucratization encouraged the inter-institutional use of written documents, and this in turn made it necessary to constantly devise new coordinating measures.

The way that the dukes of Milan, for example, devised the different committees to help them rule in the fifteenth century was partly determined by the need to optimize the processing of administrative correspondence.

The ruler, his associates, and the circulation of papers, ca. Whoever lacked written documents was shut off from certain courses of action.

When James I, King of Aragon in the thirteenth century, could not produce certain documents, he had to abandon territorial claims.

Preserving Documents with Cartularies and Registers But before we turn to archives in the actual sense of the word, we need to discuss two new products of European written culture: cartularies and registers.

They mark an important step in the revival of efforts to preserve documents in the High and Late Middle Ages.

The history of their use in the West goes back to the upheaval of the decades after the turn of the millennium, although at least registers had already been known in Antiquity.

Cartularies were books in which the most important documents of a monastery, ruler, or noble house were copied, often arranged by topic.

The Liber feudorum maior from Aragon may be cited again as an example of a secular cartulary. In the ecclesiastical sphere beginning in the twelfth century, French monasteries, for instance, produced a large number of such collections, some of them quite substantial.

For example, it is easy to show that they were extremely selective and by no means included all the documents that were available.

They also changed the orthography and wording of the copies they contained, although probably less often their content.

Cartularies thus may be regarded neither as the exact reflections of existing archives nor as proto-inventories or holdings catalogues.

Regardless, cartularies represent an important step in the history of systematic, deliberate efforts to preserve, organize, and make documents accessible.

Keeping registers must be distinguished from compiling cartularies. This innovative technology, which came into widespread use in the twelfth century, crucially allowed one to keep duplicates of original documents that one had produced but not kept.

This applied above all to letters, but also extended to judicial rulings and legal documents. The papacy is generally regarded as the pioneer of the practice of maintaining ongoing registers.

Although the papacy probably began to keep registers in the eleventh century, the earliest parchment registers to survive regularly date from the reign of Innocent III reg.

Indeed, there are many gaps in the early papal registers that indicate the deliberate selection of documents.

Innocent III, for example, had perhaps only a fifth of all documents issued during his reign registered. Entry in the papal registers actually became part of the issuing process for many official documents.

Only eighty years later, Benedict XII had no fewer than twenty-one different series of registers. Methods were tested, changed, and adapted according to trial and error.

Influences might spread in all conceivable directions. It was not for nothing that the section of the Chocolate Kiddies revue in which his band played was designated in programs as a symphonic jazz concert.

Jazz and art music enrich each other. The Chocolate Kiddies between New York, Moscow, and Berlin The first published reference to the show that would become the Chocolate Kiddies was released in mid-April , a little more than one month away from the premiere.

Though much in this early report is inconsistent with the show as it would premiere in Berlin, the references to Morris Gest and the MAT represent lost traces of the transatlantic connection between Russian and African American diasporic communities that played a major role in producing this important moment in early German jazz history.

Though not named in the release, at the center of the relationship was the Russian-Jewish impresario Leonid Davydovich Leonidoff-Bermann. He left Russia during the civil war, taking part in a famous theater troupe around the actor Vasily Kachalov.

With this group, he performed across southern and central Europe, including a prolonged stint in Vienna in the early s.

Leonidoff was part of the vast community of the Russian diaspora in Berlin, a population that peaked in at around , In the New York theater scene, Russians, and Jewish Russians in particular, played an equally pivotal role in the early s.

It was through Morris Gest that the MAT became a sensation in New York. As one of its representatives, Leonidoff negotiated between the MAT and Gest, both in Berlin and New York, and worked with world famous artists from the singer Chaliapin to dancer Pavlova and, of course, Balieff.

As Leonidoff related in an interview given on the occasion of the Chocolate Kiddies premiere in Vienna, he first hit upon the idea of bringing an African American revue to Berlin and Europe after visiting a cabaret in Harlem.

In all likelihood, this took place during when Leonidoff visited the newly established Club Alabam. Like Leonidoff and Gest, Lyons was of Russian-Jewish extraction.

Later in his career, he became an important agent in Hollywood, representing over the course of his career artists like Jack Benny, Cole Porter, Ida Lupino, Heddy Lamar, and Lucille Ball.

During the s, Lyons represented a number of African American artists, including Wooding and the famous comedian Johnny Hudgins.

In the fall of , Lyons became the producer of a new musical revue at the Club Alabam called Alabam Fantasies. Though it premiered in the fall, the most important performance of Alabam Fantasies took place at the Lafayette Theatre in January Indeed, advertisements in The New York Times announced that the Alabam Fantasies were booked for a European tour in London, Paris, and Berlin, inverting the order that would accompany the initial report of the Chocolate Kiddies in April.

The January performances at the Lafayette Theatre were by all accounts a success, though they were initially marred by controversy.

First, the prima donna of the show, African American singer and actress Abbie Mitchell, bowed out of the show on the first night.

After returning from Europe in , she gave a number of concert performances and, in the fall of , joined the Club Alabam.

Though alongside Johnny Hudgins and Eddie Rector she received top billing in advertisements, on the opening night, Mitchell performed but one song.

Yet if Mitchell was a major draw for the show, Hudgins was its star. While a trumpeter played, Hudgins mouthed the sounds, seemingly transforming the human body into brass instrument.

If the performative brilliance of his act is clear, contemporary viewers are nonetheless equally likely to notice the minstrel iconography through which Hudgins voiced his modernist act.

The disconcerting images of blackface performers that abound in European advertisements and stage design therefore must not only be placed within the context of the German history of representations of Blackness but also within the context of American and African American performance history.

More to the point, the fact that Hudgins was one of the most successful acts in New York in the mids points towards a high degree of similarity rather than dissimilarity between the proclivities of white German and North American audiences.

Lyons quickly turned to the courts and sued the management for monies owed him. Leonidoff, however, needed more than a jazz band; he needed a show and with the fate of Alabam Fantasies revue locked in court, Lyons turned to the outside to recruit new talent.

In addition, performers George Statson, Charlie Davis, Bobby and Babe Goins, and Adelaide Hall all became part of the show.

They had also performed in Europe before the First World War and incorporated a number of foreign languages into their act, something that proved to be of great value during their stint with the Chocolate Kiddies.

Like Alabam Fantasies, then, the Chocolate Kiddies was composed of various elements of contemporary African American entertainment.

So though it may never have been performed in America, neither its stars nor their acts would likely have struck a Broadway audience of the period as particularly out of place.

Lyons also commissioned original music for the show. Ellington had moved to New York from his native Washington D. Given the personalities involved and the size of the group, news of the Chocolate Kiddies was reported on regularly in the African American press.

On May 3, , a farewell party was organized for the departing members of the troupe. Featuring performances by cast members as well as Florence Mills and Fletcher Henderson, this grand send-off from Harlem also received coverage in the African American press.

It was for this reason that the large revues often left the capital in the spring to go on tour. Broadly following the strategy of Gest and Leonidoff with the MAT in New York, the revue was widely publicized, apparently under the direction of Fritz Jacobsohn.

All this is another indication of why, though other African American artists were present in Weimar Germany both before and after, the Chocolate Kiddies was the first jazz performance widely visible to the Berlin public and widely reviewed by the Berlin press.

Johnson, and scenery by Willi Poggany. The Symphonic Concert of the Sam Wooding Jazz Band opens act two, and the extensive program of the Negro Cabaret in the Harlem quarter forms the conclusion.

Should the description at first arouse a sense of anxiety in those viewers who do not understand English, it then allays this fear by emphasizing the extra-linguistic, in part sexual, aspects of the show: music, rhythm, and legs.

Accordingly, jazz music plays little or no role in this description of the show. Peter Jammerthal. After intermission, the Sam Wooding Orchestra made its way onto the stage to perform the second act of the show.

In the midst of this revue on a plantation and in a Harlem cabaret, Wooding and his orchestra gave a jazz concert to which no one danced and that was not accompanied by any visual stimulus other than eleven African American musicians performing jazz music.

The concert opened with a medley of popular songs. This is yet another possible homage to Whiteman, whose concert had featured the same contrastive method to demonstrate the specificity of jazz.

Wolfe Gilbert with music by Richard Fall, was a popular song from the previous year in both America and Germany. Their concert ended with two jazz standards, W.

The Chocolate Kiddies revue was thus palimpsest of contemporary African American performance. Simultaneously behind and ahead of its time, the revue gave Berliners and later Hamburgers, Frankfurters, and other Weimar Germans, a composite view of African American culture and its representation within American popular culture.

Experiencing Jazz, Experiencing Modernity If it is clear that for very complex reasons Wooding and his performances occupy a privileged position within Weimar jazz culture, this status owes as much to the music and performance venue as to German cultural history.

Nora M. They often elicited fear, pain, or horror, and prompted the development of sensory protection shields that could cushion or even parry traumatic intrusions.

Thus if film is often seen as registering the shock of the visual in this period, jazz was equally powerful in registering the shock of the aural, in being experienced as an aesthetic mediation of the danger and exhilaration of the sounds of the street and the machine.

The noise of modernity permeates the air and fills the listener with sounds of friction and anguish. However, the experience of jazz did more to German listeners than merely reflect back to them a priori notions of modernity.

Jazz also directly impacted and concretely transformed them. The experience of jazz, like the sounds of the street, was at first confounding and confusing, understood as noise rather than as music.

Yet precisely because of this, German listeners found in it a means of accessing, and thereby reflecting upon, the aural component of the everyday shocks of modernity.

At its core, Benjamin views the concept of experience as one divided within itself, split, in his famous distinction, between the fragmentary and isolated form of Erlebnis and a deeper, diachronic mode of Erfahrung.

Following Freud, Benjamin maintains that the maelstrom of modern urban existence necessitates the cultivation of a protective shield of consciousness.

This necessary parrying of shock by consciousness carries a heavy cost according to Benjamin. In order for the defense against shock to work properly, potentially traumatic experiences must be emptied of their content and transformed into less meaningful events.

Horror is to be distinguished in this context from fear Angst or Furcht. Fear steadies the subject before impact, serving to deflect the full extent of a potentially traumatic impression.

They form the foundation of his aesthetic theory of the experience of modernity because they are experienced directly, as it were, rather than mediated by waking consciousness.

Of course, Benjamin devotes little space in his analysis to questions concerning sound, noise, and music.

Yet if he ultimately fails to take the aural mode of experience into account, Theodor Adorno, someone as accustomed to thinking with his ears as with his eyes, did gesture on numerous occasions towards the shock of musical experience.

I hope to avoid this trap by reading Adorno much as he reads music, i. But in appearance, it is preserved. It must, or so it seems, be thus emancipated from all human seriousness and all genuineness of artistic form if it is still to be tolerated by human beings amidst their daily affairs without frightening [erschrecken] them.

But it is its appearance that lights up for them. They do not change in it, but their image changes. It is brighter, sharper, more clearly defined.

Background music is an acoustic light source. If it does not yet do so in the sense of a Benjaminian shock, then one nevertheless recognizes in it remnants of experience in the strong sense.

Music in the background has become appearance, has been protected against and removed from the everyday so that it will no longer terrify the subject.

The music that resounds here is constructed from the remnants of the past: potpourris of works by Puccini, Grieg, and Tchaikovsky.

Through them shimmers the mysterious allegorical appearance that arises whenever fragments of the past come together in an uncertain surface.

Their light puzzles, much like Vexierbilder, or puzzle pictures, those objects of fascination for Adorno and Benjamin, in that it can be read two ways: manifestly as a sign of decay and demise or allegorically as an illumination of the dreams of the past.

At times, it can unexpectedly inspire moments of horror, particularly when the listener becomes aware of the absence present within it. The means by which music may do so remains unclear.

It is not the content of the music that frightens the listener, but the absence it signifies. True, the music may continue, but it has activated a gaze which looks in vain for the object of its desire, for an origin that no longer, if ever, existed.

But it is an awareness that can be rendered into a form of knowledge about the present. The meteors of the past are silent only from a distance, that is to say, the present, and in remembering, the listener can re-experience that which once was not but might have been.

Perhaps it is all too understandable that Adorno remains silent about contemporary music in this Nazi-era piece about the silencing of music.

Their function is too fresh for them to allow themselves to be used as background yet. The remnant of shock contained within the new dances could be furthered, by ripping them from their context and placing them into a new constellation through the principle of montage construction.

Though Adorno is ultimately critical of this technique, his criticism is directed not against its immediate impact but its sustainability.

Indeed, the punch, as it were, of art is something Adorno took quite literarily. The idea of the new is itself as phantasmagorical as this light.

For one, his thoughts shed greater light on the corporeal dimension of these experiences. This diffusion of effect will be especially important in dealing with the afterlife of shock.

Reviews of the performance appeared in the socialist, liberal, conservative, and even Russian-language press in Berlin.

The last notes of the overture faded away into silence. Silence, stark silence. Our fright turned to confidence. The few beats of silence that followed the end of the first song suggest that many in the audience were simply unsure how to react, how they were supposed to react to this music, in this setting.

The applause that followed, however, functioned as a release of anxiety and enabled audience and performers to coalesce in their communal experience and enjoyment of jazz.

If the connection at first seems far fetched, it is important to remember that Wooding was performing a symphonic jazz concert.

This taxing of our nerves continued for hours through the overabundance of acoustic and optic noise and the overabundance of repetition of similar scenes.

Many an audience member staggered away, as if broken wie zerschlagen hinauswankte. That the performance engendered such a sense of community and in the process elicited powerful emotions can be glimpsed in the longevity of the impression it made on audience members.

As was noted in the introduction, the experience of Wooding profoundly impacted Alfred Lion, who went on to cofound Blue Note Records. Lion recalled of his initial impression: It was the first time I saw colored musicians and heard the music.

This was often expressed through a deflection of such possession onto the musician, while at other times it remained with the listener, as in the case of Lion.

Indeed, many, though hardly all, reviewers felt tortured by the tempo and music of the revue, regardless of whether the overall impression was positive or negative.

This ascription of mercilessness to the music and show by the reviewers can be read as a reflection of their inability to process the sound of jazz within received categories of musical understanding.

Do they really only think about their legs? Do they not see the formed movements, to which the legs merely serve as an artificial body?

Whoever only sees legs here is looking for female artists not art. By contrast, the legs of the dancers in the Chocolate Kiddies cannot be separated from their bodies; according to Walden, they remain integrated and retain meaning only as part of a totality of movement and sound.

And all of the sudden Sam Wooding and his Orchestra are sitting on the stage. Without notes. Through the room swing sounds of whooshing, howling, groaning, quacking, bawling, murmuring, whining, rattling, clanging.

Sounds ring out and are joined together to form an organism. Formed movement, thus art. It is not the sound Ton that makes themusic. Where sound is missing, the concept of noise appears.

Music, however, is not to be conceptualized, it is to be heard. One does not hear music, when thinking of noise. The sound of jazz is for him all encompassing, like the experience of the street, but with the distinction that in it noise has become art.

Yet precisely because it remains closer to noise than European art music, jazz is uniquely capable of uniting this cacophony into art for Walden.

It swirls and swings through the acoustic space like the howling of the siren or the clanging of the train, unfettered by the restrictions of form.

Bie, as well, likened jazz to the noise of the metropolitan street. Yet noise for Attali is neither natural nor ahistorical.

Jazz could appear as noise only because it seemed indecipherable within the existing system of musical meaning; it was precisely this unintelligibility that made jazz so meaningful in terms of relating it to modernity and modernism.

Through the idea of noise, the shock imparted to the listener upon the first hearing of jazz could be made to resonate with the shock of the initial hearing of the mechanical press, car horn, or jackhammer.

But it nevertheless exhibits that stomping confusion stampfendes Durcheinander of saxophones, jazz drums, and muted trumpets, that unleashed rhythm, that improvised humor, which the jazz band alone makes tolerable.

Everything else offered by the Funkstunde in terms of dance music is only a surrogate. More importantly, the exhaustion and torture associated with the jazz band has become tolerable in his account.

This shift in the function of the Weimar experience of jazz is brought into focus in a essay by composer Karol Rathaus, himself composer of a jazzinfluenced opera Fremde Erde Foreign Soil.

Rather, what he strives to explain are the psychological conditions under which jazz became popular first in the United States and then in Europe.

With movingly ruthless honesty, with which America professes its faith in Materie, it created the most favorable conditions for jazz. Chocolate Kiddies, the revue of Josephine Baker and Black People brought us to the edge of the source.

Here, jazz reached a state of perfection as a result of their deep state of rootedness. In this cul-de-sac of European subjectivity, the role of the African American begins to recede behind an impenetrable aura of authenticity.

Paradoxically, however, it is the perfect authenticity of African American jazz that now makes it expendable. Yet it interests here because its point of departure is a return visit to Berlin by Sam Wooding.

He writes, Five years ago we heard him for the first time. And for a long time memory has likewise busied itself with the achievements of the accompanying orchestra, the form of its leader, an animal-like, fanatical musician.

This laudatory tone, however, quickly turns into one of memorialization. To David, jazz has lost its novelty and, more importantly, its role in avant-garde art.

It is not to be feared that jazz as a unique form will diminish in use; but its captivating technique which appeared at first to be of interest to the more intellectual person is presently losing the hint Beiklang of meaningfulness that was attached to it as long as it contained within it progress and a qualitatively different future.

People forget quickly: soon one will see in jazz nothing more than a neutral form of dance composition.

In this sense it is valid to bid farewell to jazz. The noise that was attached to the original experience of jazz has subsided and the shock of jazz has become a memory, or ghost.

The general dismissal of jazz as a progressive art form by German modernists might more profitably read as a mourning of the passing of the earthshattering power of its initial successes.

This is Paul Whiteman. For despite the critical view taken by music critics, Whiteman enjoyed incomparable standing in the popular press at large and with the majority of jazz musicians in in this period and, as I want to suggest in the next chapter, became an unlikely model for Weimar-era novelists as well.

Of course, what made the combination of the terms so evocative was that cultural, musical, and aesthetic developments were constantly threatening to bring the two into ever-closer proximity.

As the above statement by ethnomusicologist Jaap Kool hints at, symphony and jazz seemed to exist in worlds apart, yet they were also worlds that seemed to be in a constant state of collision.

This meant that in many instances, neither jazz nor symphony could be thought of in this period without also invoking its other, and perhaps no greater representation of their collision existed than the musical genre of symphonic jazz.

Most closely associated with the white American bandleader Paul Whiteman, from at least onward, symphonic jazz dominated the German jazz scene while at the same time shaping German musical culture in innumerable ways.

Beyond this, symphonic jazz and its promise of unifying tradition with modernity and vice versa became especially attractive to Weimar-era novelists.

Just as composers like Ernst Krenek attempted jazz operas, novelists tried their hand at producing jazz novels. Roman Jazz. In other words, these works explore, with all its attendant contradictions, the idea of symphonic jazz as synthetic melding of modernity and tradition, as an aesthetic capable of structuring and making manageable the foreign and modern.

To be sure, this pairing of jazz music and German literature may at first seem unlikely, yet it serves two very important purposes.

The first is to rethink symphonic jazz and its meaning for German jazz culture. If this argument is an important corrective to anachronistic visions of Weimar Germans listening to Louis Armstrong, James P.

Johnson, or Fletcher Henderson, as we saw in the previous chapter, by the mids, African American jazz was routinely felt to be more representative of authentic jazz than white American jazz, albeit for vastly different reasons than today.

Yet when read together as a set of novels responding to the aesthetic challenge of symphonic jazz, an entirely new sense of their significance emerges.

In their common focus on the relationship between symphony and jazz as a means of engaging with modernism, literary and otherwise, they stand as an index not only of the wide-ranging influence of Whiteman but of the profound ways by which jazz affected German culture in the s.

Or to speak with a language indebted to jazz itself, these authors use symphony and jazz not as a self-writing script but as a jazz standard: a well-known, popular melody, onto which each author sought to produce a new version through improvisation, variation, and addition.

Writing symphonies in jazz, each attempted to carve out a space within the center and, in so doing, gave birth to a new literary genre, the symphonic jazz novel.

It is significant here that this literary genre owes its existence not only to the American Whiteman but to three novelists from the margins, geographically and culturally.

As had Grosz and Dix in the early s, these figures use jazz, their encounters with and representations of the music, as a means of symbolically creating a new German culture into which they not only fit but have a hand in creating.

It was like coming out of blackness into bright light. I wanted to sing. I did them all. That was jazz then. Despite early setbacks including being fired for not being able to play jazz correctly , he eventually became a sought-after arranger of popular jazz-influenced music on the American West Coast.

This raising up of jazz also had a racial component. New Negro composers and concert artists were pursing a simultaneous campaign of syncretism, idiomatic formalization and bourgeois vindication.

There were many reasons for the rapid adoption of symphonic jazz. For one, with members numbering between twenty and thirty, symphonic jazz orchestras represent a considerable enlargement over the small group formations of early jazz, common in both America and Germany during the early s.

The larger size of the orchestra meant employment for greater numbers of this profession still struggling to cope with losses due to technological innovations like gramophone and radio.

Though in America the exactness and precision characteristic to performances of symphonic jazz was intended to put jazz orchestras on a level approaching that of the symphony orchestra, classically trained German musicians were simply much better suited to this new form.

Finally, from the monetary perspective of practicing musicians, a turn towards symphonic jazz was attractive because it was said to earn a great deal more money.

Still, a full two years passed before Whiteman personally presented the case for symphonic jazz to German music critics as opposed to musicians. By the time he reached Berlin, there was a great deal of anticipation.

Jazz Symphony Orchestra! Like the Chocolate Kiddies, Whiteman also held open rehearsals for the press and was visited by academics, as well as by the composers Arnold Schoenberg and Franz Schreker.

Indeed, according to one Whiteman biographer, it was in Berlin that his music met with harsh criticism for the first time.

This period witnessed a prolific decline in the number of symphonies produced by European composers. The period of progress in symphonic composition that could be located between Beethoven and Mahler seemed to have come to an inglorious end.

It was, in fact, the professional music critics, those who were most critical of Whiteman, who, according to Karen Painter, kept the form alive as it were.

Through their writings, the symphony was imbued with even greater cultural worth than it had in the nineteenth century, transforming the symphony into a central cultural icon of the early twentieth century.

If the symphony became a sign of tradition threatened, jazz was a primary symptom of that threat. Delivered in raucous, three-minute urban miniatures, it was no less threatening to the idea and ideal of the symphony than an atonal composition by Schoenberg.

Perhaps no greater sign of this trend away from the symphony could be found than in the person of Mitja Nikisch. It creates real music. Rather, we want to create something new.

Courtesy of Dr. Hans Zimmermann of the Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek Weimar. Likewise, Hans Heinz Stuckenschmidt also authored a piece in anticipation of the concerts.

Stuckenschmidt was an important liberal music critic and part of the Berlin Dada movement. In June he will tour Germany. Snobs will have fits of lust.

Spectacles will shatter with fright. Musicians will dedicate scores. Though certain grotesque, i. He leaves open the question of whether jazz has already been elevated to the level of true art.

He is, however, profoundly certain that jazz is doing great service for the matter of art in America. The program then indicated that an intermission would take place.

However, this intermission, as well as the concluding piece, a number to be picked by audience, was skipped for the premiere concert, something that caused some confusion on the part of reviewers.

The premiere began at p. Almost all of them praised the virtuosity and technique of the Whiteman orchestra. Equally prevalent in the reviews, however, was their rejection of the idea that the concert demonstrated that Whiteman had created a new art form for the future.

Now we have been satisfied with our own ears by the results of the Grosses Schauspielhaus and can be reassured.

Whiteman and his cohort perform. It has nothing to expect from jazz. Indeed, the tone of many of these critiques borders on mockery.

For Warschauer, jazz, however one may feel about it, is simply, objectively an elemental component of modern society and moralizing about its status or debating whether it is art or commerce, German or American, does little to change this fact.

The same question always arises: whether it [jazz] is art or could some day become art. Answer: the question either cannot be answered at all or at least not immediately.

One example of this is an article in Der Deutsche that simulates a discussion between antiand pro-jazz critics, in part using passages from earlier textual discussions of jazz.

For it was in the jazz novels of the period that not his music but the structure and idea of symphonic jazz took hold.

Numerous authors of the period used references to jazz within works from the period. From wellknown authors like Hermann Hesse and Thomas Mann to lesser known authors like Bruno Frank, Claire Goll, Vicki Baum, Hedwig Hassel, and Klaus Mann, discussions of saxophones, drums, shimmies, foxtrots, Black performers, and other indicators of the jazz milieu abound within Weimar literature.

Wiener Roman Viennese Novel , the music acts as little more than a surface phenomenon, a mere reference to cultural disorder,54 rather than gesturing towards the evocative, if still ill-defined, category of jazz literature.

Instead, jazz most commonly was deployed within Weimar literature as a reified symbol of modernity. In order to address the ways in which jazz was transformed from its use as literary topos into a literary form in the novels of Janowitz, Schickele, and Renker, it is first necessary to investigate what jazz literature would and could look like to Weimar Germans.

But it is in the essence of the symphony that in the end all motifs and motif beginnings merge with each other.

The young French writers do not aspire to any form of merging Zusammenfassung. So that while figures and motifs may sound out simultaneously, they remain fundamentally isolated from each other.

For Hirth, this polyphony without harmony is precisely the jazz quality of the new literature. Roman Jazz: A Novel. Instead, he is most famous for his coauthorship with Hans Meyer of the film Das Cabinet des Dr.

Caligari Like Caligari, the novel is richly evocative and resonant with broader modernist impulses and can be said to reveal important undercurrents of German culture and society in its modernist experimentation.

The plot begins on a train from London to Paris, where the main character, named Lord Henry, meets Madame Mae R. The two immediately delight in deceiving the other passengers: she pretending to faint and he pretending to be a medical doctor capable of attending to her.

I believe there are different laws governing it, just as the laws for a work of jazz are different than those for a sonata for piano and violin.

Rather, the text gestures towards an understanding of jazz as aesthetic form, something that cannot be incorporated into traditional culture here, the form of the novel without consequence.

Put differently, one senses that the narrator feels jazz pushing back at him, back at literature. The significance of the proximity between these two terms is, I would suggest, the very meaning of the work.

Proof of Concept is aimed at young researchers who wish to develop an application or service based on their research results. These projects may target innovations of all kinds from all research areas.

Discovery is aimed at experienced researchers who aim to explore and implement the innovation potential of research results. Only technological innovations that have a societal and economic impact will be funded.

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